elections was reached on 7 July 1963 in a very similar situation to 1957: Peronism was banned again by the de facto government of José María Guido and the UCR remained divided into two branches The People's UCR and the UCR Intransigente. The Peronist decided to cast blank ballots, but a proportion of their votes in favor of migrated UCR candidate of the People, Arthur H. Illia, who with 25% of the votes won as the first minority. EXPERIENCE
constitutional
This second post-Peron began with even worse than the first. The main corporate forces, unable for the time to develop an alternative to constitutional democracy, had not the slightest willingness to engage with the new government. The winning party, the UCR del Pueblo, had obtained an unrepresentative proportion of the vote, and while it had a majority in the Senate, controlled only 13 of 22 governorships, and had no majority in the House of Representatives. Frondizi unlike the new government gave far more radical importance to Congress and the democratic political arena, both real conviction as their low propensity or ability to negotiate with major corporations. Most parliamentary activity did not benefit the Illia government, which failed to structure an alliance consisting of the Congress, nor authentically engage political forces in the defense of institutions.
The main opposition Peronist provinoa banned, represented in unions and the CGT. With the advance of trade unions, Illia tried to apply the resources of the Professional Association Act, passed during his administration, to control the main trade union leaders particularly in the funds management and internal elections, seeking to emerge a stream of independent leadership of the Peronist apparatus.
Unionists, led by Augusto T. metallurgical Vandor responded to the attempt to control its Plan of Struggle, which consisted of the phased occupancy, between May and June, 11,000 factories, in an operation involving nearly 4 million workers, accurate planning, without excesses or threats property. From the right and the left wanted to see in this action the beginning of an assault on the system, but it was an expression of the strategy promoted by Vandor. This deployment was aimed in part to obtain concessions from the government (stop pressuring trade unions), but mainly to show that were a major player in any serious negotiations with the government, the military, with employers and with the same Perón.
Illia's government rose in the first half of 1964 the ban and trade unions led a reorganization of the party Jusiticialista (new name of the Peronist Party). This led to a growing confrontation with Peron, a threat to his leadership. Vandor organized the return of Peron and Peron in November 1964 partly on a plane from Madrid to Buenos Aires. However, under directions of Argentina's Foreign Ministry, is arrested at a stopover in Rio de Janeiro and forced to return to the old continent. In March 1965 the Justice Party was banned and had to stand for parliamentary elections to renew the name of People's Union. Peronism had a huge victory at the elections - winning 36% of the votes - and Vandor saw in this triumph the possibility of institutionalizing the Peronism without Perón. The latter, seeing his leadership threatened Peronist party organized a loyal to his person, which exceeds the Popular Union votes in elections for governor of Mendoza. Thus, Peron and Vandor had reached a stalemate: Perón won in the electoral and Vandor was imposed on the organization and union leadership. This defeat of Vandor influenced his disregard for democratic institutions that disfavoured, and his decision to come to negotiate with major corporate sectors.
In the early years of the Illia government, the armed forces are engaged, under the leadership of their Commander in Chief, JCOnganía, to establish unity and order forces. Thought to perform a coup having internal factions would generate a major disaster that would like to prevent. In 1965, at a meeting of heads of U.S. Army in West Point, Onganía expressed their commitment to the "national security doctrine", the Armed forces, away from strictly political competition, however, were the guarantee of the highest values \u200b\u200bof citizenship, and should act when they are amenazadosos see, particularly from communist subversion. This doctrine was openly undemocratic because it gave the military a power above that of a constitutionally elected democratic government.
Unlike the administrations that preceded it, Illia ruled without putting in place state of siege, or the Coninter Plan nor the state of internal war. constitutional
This second post-Peron began with even worse than the first. The main corporate forces, unable for the time to develop an alternative to constitutional democracy, had not the slightest willingness to engage with the new government. The winning party, the UCR del Pueblo, had obtained an unrepresentative proportion of the vote, and while it had a majority in the Senate, controlled only 13 of 22 governorships, and had no majority in the House of Representatives. Frondizi unlike the new government gave far more radical importance to Congress and the democratic political arena, both real conviction as their low propensity or ability to negotiate with major corporations. Most parliamentary activity did not benefit the Illia government, which failed to structure an alliance consisting of the Congress, nor authentically engage political forces in the defense of institutions.
The main opposition Peronist provinoa banned, represented in unions and the CGT. With the advance of trade unions, Illia tried to apply the resources of the Professional Association Act, passed during his administration, to control the main trade union leaders particularly in the funds management and internal elections, seeking to emerge a stream of independent leadership of the Peronist apparatus.
Unionists, led by Augusto T. metallurgical Vandor responded to the attempt to control its Plan of Struggle, which consisted of the phased occupancy, between May and June, 11,000 factories, in an operation involving nearly 4 million workers, accurate planning, without excesses or threats property. From the right and the left wanted to see in this action the beginning of an assault on the system, but it was an expression of the strategy promoted by Vandor. This deployment was aimed in part to obtain concessions from the government (stop pressuring trade unions), but mainly to show that were a major player in any serious negotiations with the government, the military, with employers and with the same Perón.
Illia's government rose in the first half of 1964 the ban and trade unions led a reorganization of the party Jusiticialista (new name of the Peronist Party). This led to a growing confrontation with Peron, a threat to his leadership. Vandor organized the return of Peron and Peron in November 1964 partly on a plane from Madrid to Buenos Aires. However, under directions of Argentina's Foreign Ministry, is arrested at a stopover in Rio de Janeiro and forced to return to the old continent. In March 1965 the Justice Party was banned and had to stand for parliamentary elections to renew the name of People's Union. Peronism had a huge victory at the elections - winning 36% of the votes - and Vandor saw in this triumph the possibility of institutionalizing the Peronism without Perón. The latter, seeing his leadership threatened Peronist party organized a loyal to his person, which exceeds the Popular Union votes in elections for governor of Mendoza. Thus, Peron and Vandor had reached a stalemate: Perón won in the electoral and Vandor was imposed on the organization and union leadership. This defeat of Vandor influenced his disregard for democratic institutions that disfavoured, and his decision to come to negotiate with major corporate sectors.
In the early years of the Illia government, the armed forces are engaged, under the leadership of their Commander in Chief, JCOnganía, to establish unity and order forces. Thought to perform a coup having internal factions would generate a major disaster that would like to prevent. In 1965, at a meeting of heads of U.S. Army in West Point, Onganía expressed their commitment to the "national security doctrine", the Armed forces, away from strictly political competition, however, were the guarantee of the highest values \u200b\u200bof citizenship, and should act when they are amenazadosos see, particularly from communist subversion. This doctrine was openly undemocratic because it gave the military a power above that of a constitutionally elected democratic government.
military discontent with the increasing openness to the Peronist electoral combined with a strong smear campaign, driven by sector economic conservatives who strongly criticized certain radical government policies, such as the Medicines Act (Act Oñativia), oil policy and some autonomy from the United States in international politics. The majority of society have doubts about democracy and the June 28, 1966 the president was overthrown. To UCRP preferred a strike before a greater openness to the Peronist.
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