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The Cordobazo

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1Tt91IuckjU&feature=related


The video above, can see images of what was actually Cordobazo and burst between protesters and police and military. In addition to showing evidence of people who were there and somehow proud to end the dictatorship of Ongania.




http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2JYNtpdxr30

The video is up perimte view certain sections more clearly what were the clashes between police in Cordoba and the students and staff . Another example of how strong and hard was this battle, I need the help of the army.







http://www.elhistoriador.com.ar/escuchar/sindicalismo.php (which called on the codobazo)


The link provided above, allows Tosco hear words of Augustine, a labor leader who was very important in the events of Cordobazo and was targeted by the government as responsible for all events, sentenced to 8 years in prison. Yet manages to be released after 17 months. In the words of Agustin Tosco highlighted criticism of the government of Ongania.














The cutout at the top, called the curfew implemented in Cordoba, at the outbreak of Cordobazo. In addition they also called for military intervention in the city.

The above images to visualize the military intervention in the city of Cordoba, in addition to observing the consequences of what they were fighting with cars burned and destroyed local people fighting the government and the military.

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explodes in May 1969 in Cordoba a demonstration in which workers and students involved. The local CGT makes a general strike and then take the center of the city. This burst is a consequence of authoritarian and repressive apparatus of the President Onganía who as supreme leader, manipulating all the media as well as schools, universities and political parties, thus removing any kind of action or political demonstration.
The workers sought improvements in their wages and as certain improvements were devoted to complain about working conditions, incentive systems, classifications and categories. Because the government had established certain laws Onganía in which job violated the agreement and also had frozen wages and repressed any kind of demonstration or strike by the workers. A clear policy of repression and anti-worker. Young enthusiasts
a better life had been too silent, without power of expression, unable to make their demands, strong government intervention and manipulation in the universities. Further propaganda regards them as "centers of subversion and communism." That is why both young students and their teachers came together to make the universities, which ended with a great reprsión and violence by the government and more specifically to the police.

(link: http://politica-sb.blogspot.com/2009/10/1966-1970-la-revolucion-argentina.html to see Night of the long canes)

During the demonstration in Córdoba which groups workers and students, had one common goal: an end to authoritarianism Ongania to express their discontent, silenced for more than three years. This accumulation of silence and repression was such that one day, May 26, 1969, popular discontent erupts with a big rally in Cordoba, known as: "The Cordobazo.

To put a little context of what was the repressive apparatus of Onganía. There is only briefly mention that consitió response to demonstrations by workers and students. Police repression was such that a strong gender from sitting in front where there were barricades up raids on businesses and tear gas. Protesters organized in some way or another managed to resist the police, who had to have the support of the army to suppress and quell the protesters.

As first consequences of Cordobazo, several protests were held in other major centers in the country such as Rosario - the Rosoriazo-or even in areas such as Cipoletti. In addition to various events in rural areas (especially not Pampa) and Misiones and Formosa. Also urban unrest where manfiestaba for any increase in fees or taxes.

To make a closure of what was the Cordobazo, we must first mention that the people are tired of the repressive apparatus that kept Onganía, the people no longer bear to be silent and unable to express their political thoughts, much less their claims. Since the workers who fought for improvements in wages and improvements in working conditions, which had enjoyed and known by the government of Juan Domingo Peron but were abolished by governments later. For Onganía, freedom to the companies so that they could manage to free the agreement will work in their plants, and alluding to the National Labor Convention, which also weakens the unions. Students also claimed a place in politics in the country, to fight for the rights of students and make decisions together teachers to better campus life and more importantly, you can discuss and express themselves. However

this order used to be the flag Ongania government, is clearly seen lying on the manifestation of Cordobazo, where (the control over all) is being challenged and threatened by people. It was the beginning of different events throughout the country and began falling Ongania its repressive policies had no place in the country, the people demanded freedom of expression and assembly.

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Cordobazo 1966-1970: The Argentina-Ongania Revolution


Objectives: To organize the state, make it strong, with authority and resources, and controllable from the top. Possible consequences or media
: total disappearance of the population policy measures
:
Statute of the Revolution Argentina
recitals. - "Government has the representation of all the people of the Republic, whose sacrificial contest is indispensable for achieving the revolutionary goals and rebuild the nation's greatness, that the government has the compliance of the nation's armed forces and other security forces and police, and has, therefore, sufficient power to ensure peace and public order and protect life and property of the inhabitants, it is necessary to print, the bodies governmental, efficient and agile structure, with authority to perform all acts necessary, including legislative ones, that the principle of tenure of members of the judiciary should be maintained as irrreemplazable half for the enjoyment of the right, which has been a continuing violation of the main causes of the ills that afflict the Republic, that the government must abide by the purposes prescribed by the revolutionaries, the Statute of the Revolution and the Constitution , it is essential to have a Supreme Court whose members have sworn obedience to those rules, that the Republic will maintain strict compliance with the commitments made, that in the case of leaderless is necessary to establish how they will proceed to the replacement of President ".
Article 1 [Presidential Nomination]. - The executive Power shall be vested in the Nation by the citizen with the title of president of Argentina, designate the Junta.
Art. 2 [Act ministry]. - A law shall establish the number of ministers and secretaries of state who will be responsible for the transaction of business of the Nation, as well as their functions and relationship of dependency.
Article 3 [Rules of application]. - The government will adjust its mission to the provisions of this Statute, to the Constitution and laws and decrees issued in consequence, they are not in conflict with the purposes set out in the Act of the Revolution Argentina.
Article 4 [obligations]. - The government will respect all international obligations of Argentina.
Article 5 [President powers]. - President of the Nation shall exercise all legislative powers that the Constitution gives Congress, including those that are exclusive to each of the chambers, except those provided for in the arts. 45, 51 and 52 cases of impeachment of judges of national courts.
Article 6 [permanent or temporary agencies, convening]. - In order to better advice for the exercise of legislative powers, the president of the Nation may convene permanent or temporary agencies that are prescribed by law.
Article 7 [Judiciary: Constitutional guarantees]. - The judges appointed to Supreme Court Justice and current members of the lower courts in the nation, shall have the guarantees provided for in art. 96 of the Constitution.
Article 8 [Idem: special jury]. - For the purposes specified in the arts. 45, 51 and 52 of the Constitution, in relation to members of the Court and lower courts, the government pass a law to provide the integration and operation of a special jury for the national judges.
Article 9 [provincial governments: the appointment and powers]. - The overplays provide With regard to provincial governments and appoint the governors concerned who shall exercise the powers granted by the provincial constitutions to the executive and legislative branches and perform his functions subject to the principles outlined in the arts. 3 and 5 of this Statute and the instructions of the national government.
Regarding the judiciary, the governor may propose the removal of all or part of this once, of the current judges of the superior court in each province, in line with respect to the other judges, to security of tenure that resulting from each Constitution. For the removal of judges, governors introduce a system of prosecution under the principles established for national judges.
Article 10 [Exercise of PE in the absence of the President]. - In case of absence from the country of the President of Argentina, the executive power is exercised by the Minister of Interior.
In the case of incapacity or death of the president, his successor shall be appointed jointly by the commanders in chief of the armed forces.
Source: http://es.wikisource.org/wiki/Anexo_2:_Estatuto_de_la_Revoluci% C3% B3n_Argentina

This document is part of Annex 2 of the Act of the Revolution Argentina, basically overrules the constitution, laws, etc. Gives extraordinary powers to the president who is appointed by the Revolutionary Council, and limits the scope of the legislative and judicial. And empowers the authorities designated for removal from office of judges. All this means that all power is concentrated in a few persons designated by the same group.

interventions extended to the provinces so as to political parties, whose property was confiscated and sold. In this way political life was closed, until the soldiers were withdrawn. Any form of expression was seen as the left, the universities were seen as the cradle of communism and were the only ones who had condemned the coup.

A month before the general assumption of Onganía, this knob to intervene at the University of Buenos Aires, by police at that time was controlled by the military. The UBA had a tripartite system which was run by students, faculty and alumni. Tonight, the police stormed the university, most violently in the Natural Sciences and Philosophy breaking classrooms, libraries and laboratories. Then they go to all for a row that both sides had policemen with sticks that night there comes the long canes. This event meant the death of politics, since the University was the only place that could until then express the ideas. For science Argentina was a major blow as most teachers were forced into exile and several projects such as Latin America's first computer was destroyed. It is said that this type of delayed events in Argentina 15 years technologically.
In 1966, while establishing a new government in Argentina, took out the World Cup in England, which is suspected to have been fixed so that England won it. Argetina Team played a match of questionable arbitration against the host. Somehow, the same thing happened in Argentina, step into this game in which players could do nothing against a terrible injustice. Thus died
political life in Argentina, could not elect the people's representatives had no right to strike (dismissal for strike), and the most common sites of expression such as universities and political parties have lost any power they had.

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Humberto Arturo Illia presidency (1963-1966) Arturo Frondizi

elections was reached on 7 July 1963 in a very similar situation to 1957: Peronism was banned again by the de facto government of José María Guido and the UCR remained divided into two branches The People's UCR and the UCR Intransigente. The Peronist decided to cast blank ballots, but a proportion of their votes in favor of migrated UCR candidate of the People, Arthur H. Illia, who with 25% of the votes won as the first minority. EXPERIENCE
constitutional
This second post-Peron began with even worse than the first. The main corporate forces, unable for the time to develop an alternative to constitutional democracy, had not the slightest willingness to engage with the new government. The winning party, the UCR del Pueblo, had obtained an unrepresentative proportion of the vote, and while it had a majority in the Senate, controlled only 13 of 22 governorships, and had no majority in the House of Representatives. Frondizi unlike the new government gave far more radical importance to Congress and the democratic political arena, both real conviction as their low propensity or ability to negotiate with major corporations. Most parliamentary activity did not benefit the Illia government, which failed to structure an alliance consisting of the Congress, nor authentically engage political forces in the defense of institutions.

The main opposition Peronist provinoa banned, represented in unions and the CGT. With the advance of trade unions, Illia tried to apply the resources of the Professional Association Act, passed during his administration, to control the main trade union leaders particularly in the funds management and internal elections, seeking to emerge a stream of independent leadership of the Peronist apparatus.

Unionists, led by Augusto T. metallurgical Vandor responded to the attempt to control its Plan of Struggle, which consisted of the phased occupancy, between May and June, 11,000 factories, in an operation involving nearly 4 million workers, accurate planning, without excesses or threats property. From the right and the left wanted to see in this action the beginning of an assault on the system, but it was an expression of the strategy promoted by Vandor. This deployment was aimed in part to obtain concessions from the government (stop pressuring trade unions), but mainly to show that were a major player in any serious negotiations with the government, the military, with employers and with the same Perón.

Illia's government rose in the first half of 1964 the ban and trade unions led a reorganization of the party Jusiticialista (new name of the Peronist Party). This led to a growing confrontation with Peron, a threat to his leadership. Vandor organized the return of Peron and Peron in November 1964 partly on a plane from Madrid to Buenos Aires. However, under directions of Argentina's Foreign Ministry, is arrested at a stopover in Rio de Janeiro and forced to return to the old continent. In March 1965 the Justice Party was banned and had to stand for parliamentary elections to renew the name of People's Union. Peronism had a huge victory at the elections - winning 36% of the votes - and Vandor saw in this triumph the possibility of institutionalizing the Peronism without Perón. The latter, seeing his leadership threatened Peronist party organized a loyal to his person, which exceeds the Popular Union votes in elections for governor of Mendoza. Thus, Peron and Vandor had reached a stalemate: Perón won in the electoral and Vandor was imposed on the organization and union leadership. This defeat of Vandor influenced his disregard for democratic institutions that disfavoured, and his decision to come to negotiate with major corporate sectors.

In the early years of the Illia government, the armed forces are engaged, under the leadership of their Commander in Chief, JCOnganía, to establish unity and order forces. Thought to perform a coup having internal factions would generate a major disaster that would like to prevent. In 1965, at a meeting of heads of U.S. Army in West Point, Onganía expressed their commitment to the "national security doctrine", the Armed forces, away from strictly political competition, however, were the guarantee of the highest values \u200b\u200bof citizenship, and should act when they are amenazadosos see, particularly from communist subversion. This doctrine was openly undemocratic because it gave the military a power above that of a constitutionally elected democratic government.

Unlike the administrations that preceded it, Illia ruled without putting in place state of siege, or the Coninter Plan nor the state of internal war.

military discontent with the increasing openness to the Peronist electoral combined with a strong smear campaign, driven by sector economic conservatives who strongly criticized certain radical government policies, such as the Medicines Act (Act Oñativia), oil policy and some autonomy from the United States in international politics. The majority of society have doubts about democracy and the June 28, 1966 the president was overthrown. To UCRP preferred a strike before a greater openness to the Peronist.

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present these videos to understand a little more Frondizi presidency. There may be different amount of steps apresiar policies, however, the second of these observed nowadays, as in rising above the entrance, as with every step he took was getting opposition from any side.

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Measures Policies and Strategies Arturo Frondizi (1958-1962)

Arturo Frondizi:

policy measures and strategies:

Creating a new and innovative speech, won the support of progressive forces and large sectors of the left. This was because in his speech apply ancient principles of radicalism, nationalism and populism. Following this, the military presented their opposition.
One of the most important strategies taken by the presidential candidate of the nation was to agree with Gen. Juan Domingo Peron, for the latter to advise his supporters to vote for the representative of the opposition (UCRI), in exchange for the lifting of the bans. This reinforces the opposition of the military command of Aramburu. Frondizi win the election this February 23, 1958 with 4 million votes. This weakened the government, because they needed to "buy" votes from the opposition party and as expected, eventually, ended recognized as a government without real power due to its illegitimacy.

Arturo Frondizi tried to avoid the opposition, in turn, issued contempt for parliamentary methods as "holding back" development. The military did not seem wrong that Frondizi break with the constitution and support such measures, but of course, could the opposition of other sectors.

managed to reconcile with the church building and supporting the "free education." This meant that education was not only privatized part of it, but universities could reach catolicísimo exercise, and be governed by it.

unions, after losing hope in the new regime began a process of mobilization to curb large-scale capitalist modernization program. But the business and, especially, the military closed ranks with the government could break the most strikes.
Upon return to legality, undertake a program to destabilize the government (which includes 3 general strikes in the 61). Opening Frondizi to integrate trade union leaders had failed. But, in return, union pressure to lift the ban did I end up breaking a fragile balance that kept the army outside the effective exercise of the government.

Meanwhile, the military is closely watching every movement of government. They were divided into two factions, one known as "legalistic" that he considered military pressure were legitimate but should be limited while maintaining the constitutional legality, the other line was anti-integrationist, with a tendency to take power.

When Frondizi, in a gesture of independence, met with Ernesto Guevara and decided not to condemn Cuba to the OAS, the reaction of the military and civil right was overwhelming. He was forced to sever relations.

Finally, the straw that broke the camel was the victory of Peronism, after being authorized by the government in elections for provincial governors. Which ended with federal intervention in the provinces won by the PJ and the arrest of Frondizi. So ended the first attempt developed in Argentina.

Arguably Frondizi opportunistic measures contented moments about (the military and right) and sometimes others (populist and leftist sectors). Precisely for this, I never could satisfy both at once. These populist measures, coupled with that flirting Frondizi had with populist sectors and lack of governance, reached the final right-wing opposition, giving the coup of 62.

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The photo is on the left is a clipping from the time the daily "Now", dated September 26, 1955. You can analyze the source is clearly anti-Peronist as headline: "All the people cheered Lonardi, beyond that it is true that a large crowd came up to Plaza de Mayo to receive the new president, is on the corner bottom right, the phrase: "We went into FREEDOM" clearly is saying that during Peron's government, there was no such freedom and somehow Lonardi is supporting.

In the photo on the left, you can see the large crowd that greeted the interim president was ousted Juan Domingo Peron. It is clear that it was a great event, compared to those of Peronism but definitely had a different composition.

cut in the daily La Nación, recounts the arrival of General Lonardi as president of Argentina and the picture is by the oath of provisional president. You could say that the source and find a middle ground that offers no clear view ninugna for the new government or against it. While it is true that by not giving any "opinion" negative, in some way supports the new government.